Greenburgh's Changing Demographics: will political representation keep apace?

Summary: Greenburgh's slow population growth over recent decades masks (i) an aging population but also (ii) significant demographic shifts.
Takeaway: Changes in the Town's composition are not reflected in the political establishment, but the times they are a changin' (someday).

I. Slow: The 2000 and 2010 censuses report that Greenburgh's population grew by 1,636 residents (1.9%) during a decade when, by comparison, Westchester County grew by 3%, New York State and New York City each grew by 2.1% and the US by 9.7%.   It might be surmised that growth is constrained by limited new housing opportunities but, surprisingly, the Town saw an increase of 4% in housing units (from 34,084 units in 2000 to 35,452  unit in  2010) in a decade when the population grew by less than one-half that rate.  Who is filling all that new housing?

II. Old:  Along with the slow growth, Greenburgh is rapidly aging:  the median age increased in one decade from 39.7 to 42.8 (up to 43.2 in the 2014 Census estimate).  This is much older than the New York State median age of 38 in 2010.

III. Diverse:   Note: Tracing racial and ethnic changes using the census is not simple. New York's Department of Education divides students into (1) Black or African American," (2) "Hispanic or Latino,"  (3) "Asian or Native Hawaiian/Other Pacific Islander," (4) "White," and (5) "Multiracial."  The US Census, however, does not divide the population so conveniently (and misleadingly?).  Instead, the Census recognizes Latino or Hispanic status as an ethnicity, not a racial category such as black or white. The census, however, does list "races" both with and without Latin/Hispanic individuals.  Below, I'm using the "non-Hispanic" racial categories in order to correlate later with school district population numbers.

Comparing the 2000 and 2010 censuses reveals Greenburgh's demographic trends:

A.     Ethnic Latino/Hispanic Population: The census shows rapid growth in individuals identified ethnically as Latino or Hispanic from 7,825 (9%) in 2000 up to 12,366 (14%) in 2010.  This is an increase of 4,541 individuals or 58% in ten years.  Latin/Hispanic growth was broad-based, taking place in just about every village and school district (e.g., almost all Greenburgh school districts saw their percentage of Latino students double during the decade). Greenburgh's Latin population is diverse with the largest subgroup listing Puerto Rico as place of origin (21%), followed by Mexico (14%) and then Ecuador and the Dominican Republic (each about 11.5%). 

As far as the broad census “racial” categories of white, black and Asian, it almost useless to use exact numbers from the census because of evolving definitions (e.g., multi racial) and the wide diversity within each such artificial category (including, of course, Latino/Hispanic). (Note: the schools handle these categories differently.).  Nevertheless, a few trends can be identified:

B.    Greenburgh’s Asian population (a nonsensical category that includes people with such diverse origins as Indian, China, the Philippines, etc.,)  rose about 20% during the 2000s decade, numbering 9,155 or 10.4% of Greenburgh's population in 2010 (compared to US: 4.7%).  Unlike the Latin population growth which occurred throughout Greenburgh, the Asian population growth increase took place primarily in the Edgemont and Ardsley school districts.   

C.    Greenburgh’s Black (non-Hispanic) population dropped 5.6% from 10,993 in 2000 to 10,377 (11.7% of the Town total) in 2010. 

D.  The non-Hispanic white population fell significantly (6.7%)  from 58,450 (67%) in 2000 to 54,539 (62%) in 2010.   (US: 63.7%/ 2014: 62.8%)

E. The multi-racial ("two or more races")category rose slightly from 2,251 in 2000 to 2,404 in 2010.

Some observations about Greenburgh's changing demographics:
1. Poverty:  Town residents living in poverty grew from 3,324 (3.9%) in 2000 to 4,156 (4.7%) in 2014 Census estimate.  This is a concerning 25% growth in the number of impoverished people. 

2.  Voting:  active registered voters grew rom 2009: 57,069  to 2016: 58,479.  Democracy is alive and well in Greenburgh, but....

3.  Representation:  almost 25% of Greenburgh's population is Latin or Asian.  Are these populations fairly represented in town government and leadership?  Both population groups look to continue increasing.  Are changes in political representation coming? 

No truth to grisly whisperings at Hartsdale Train Station

Speculation abounds regarding the true nature of the construction project at the Hartsdale train station's "De Santi" Plaza.  Rumors began to spread after workers apparently fled the site earlier this week and have not returned.  Some have wondered whether obscure ancient rites gone awry under the garish light of this week's full moon terrified the crew.  Passers-by then began to observe a vague resemblance between the in-process plaza, purportedly designed to display a Veterans Memorial, and altars devoted by the ancients to human and animal sacrifices.

We believe, however, that these ominous portents are merely coincidences.  We've found no evidence - as we've heard suggested - that the Town Council members will reveal themselves at the plaza dedication as shaman-priests of a ghastly mythical spirit whose unquenchable thirst can only be sated with human blood. Admittedly, the throats of random, unsuspecting passengers alighting at train station would provide a convenient and abundant harvest, but such rituals have gone out of favor in Greenburgh in living memory.
Finally, our inquiries have found no evidence that the retaining walls will be inscribed with the timeless, unspeakable summons to the horrific demigod, Cthulhu,   "Ph'nglui mglw'nafh Cthulhu R'lyeh wgah'nagl fhtagn"

HARTSDALE STATION PLAZA "MEMORIAL" 9/15/16

SACRIFICIAL HIGH ALTAR - PETRA

MONTE ALBAN - ALTAR, OAXACA, MEXICO

Fairview in the 1950s: An African American Neighborhood Endures Urban Renewal

Reading through newspaper accounts of Greenburgh in the 1940s through 1970s is startling. Unlike the Greenburgh of the 2000s when we complain about taxes, and argue over whether or not to build access roads to shopping plazas or battle against the location of assisted living complexes, the Greenburgh of previous decades confronted profound questions of planning and race.  The issues that most energized residents were (1) proposals to merge school districts amid rapid population growth and the urgent need to build new school facilities; (2)( plans for urban renewal ("slum clearance") of parts of historically African-American neighborhoods in Fairview,  and the concomitant zoning and placement of public housing,; and (3) the impact of construction of the Cross-Westchester Expressway (Rt. 287).  Decisions made in the 1950s profoundly shape the Town of Greenburgh today.

To illustrate the impact of just one of these many issues - which appear to me to dwarf in import, drama, and real impact on individual lives anything the town has confronted in recent years - here are maps showing the consequences of urban renewal on the historically African American central neighborhoods of Fairview.


1.  1930 Map of Central Fairview

In the 1950s, the grey area on bottom left of the map was deemed by the Town as "substandard" housing and leveled as part of urban renewal effort in cooperation with federal and state authorities and approved by the Town Council amid litigation and dispute.  This centrally located neighborhood, between the major thoroughfares of Tarrytown Road and Dobbs Ferry Road, however, was not replaced with new housing at the same location.  Instead, the African American residents of this area could find 131 units of new public housing built on the Heyer Farm property one-half mile to the north-east beyond the barrier of the Cross Westchester Expressway (now 287) that was also completed in 1960. At the same time, the Heyer Farm property (pink area in upper right of map) was zoned for multi family units stretching north-south from Old Tarrytown Road (northernmost road on map down along the west margin of the Heyer property).   The lettering across the north-central portion of the map "White Plains Parkway" is the current day route of Rt. 287.


2.  Central Fairview Today

Central Fairview today (googlemaps.com).  Note: 1. Rt. 287 bifurcates and dominates the neighborhood; 2.  the clearance (i.e., leveling) of neighborhoods between Tarrytown Rd. and Dobbs Ferry Rd. pursuant to "urban renewal" and replacement by a shopping plaza and parking lots; 3.  The placement of Greenburgh's largest public housing development - the 131 unit state site along the west edge of the old Heyer Farm property between Old Tarrytown Road and the highway 287 (where the "Greenburgh Housing Authority" marker appears).  An additional 30 low rise "senior" federal public units at Manhattan and Florence Ave. on the south side of the highway were also built in 1960.  Notably, the designers of Greenburgh's public housing appear to have pioneered low-rise in place of the infamous high-rise "projects" typically built in the mid-20th century. 

3.  Close up African American neighborhood between Tarrytown Rd. and Dobbs Ferry Rd. cleared (i.e., destroyed under the Greenburgh "urban renewal" program) in late 1950s.  1930 map:

Grey neighborhood on left side (Columba, Vanderbilt, Roosevelt and Lincoln Aves). were first leveled as part of urban renewal.  The rest of the Tarrytown/Dobbs Ferry road angle neighborhood (Meadow St., Spring St. and Warren Ave south of Tarrytown Road) was later eliminated to make room for the current shopping plaza.

4. Current appearance of same area:

The 1950s African American neighborhood south of Tarrytown Road has been replaced by a shopping plaza  (K-mart, DSW, Home Goods, Modells) and parking lots.  Housing that may have been "substandard," but centrally located, has been replaced by public housing units well out of the sight and mind of the general public.

It is convenient and maybe a bit too easy to draw conclusions when confronted by these maps. Urban renewal, or "slum clearance" as it was commonly referred to in the 1950s, may have indeed been inspired by sincere, progressive motives. The implementation, however, of this possibly idealistic plan included leveling of a highly visible African American neighborhood located along the central artery of Tarrytown Road concomitant with the establishment of public housing  in an undesirable area flanking the newly constructed highway and out of sight of the main local thoroughfare.  Considering that in the late 1950s and early 1960s, African Americans had very limited housing options in Greenburgh, New York (e.g., fewer than a total of 10 African American children attended the Town's Edgemont, Ardsley and Hartsdale School Districts in the early 1960s), it may also be inferred that the Town had devised a plan to permanently relegate African American to the margins of the highway in a perpetual "urban ghetto,"  that was well removed from the major local roadways. 

Manor Woods History: The Story of Caterson of Caterson Terrace?